La nueva película de Disney, “La Sirenita” —un remake de la película de dibujos animados de los años ochenta— enmarca una nueva disputa al interior de la sociedad norteamericana y parcialmente en América Latina respecto a los valores culturales hegemónicos. El trailer de la película tuvo más de un millón de dislikes en la plataforma YouTube y ha recibido un gran número de comentarios racistas.
El 6 de septiembre del 2022, la compañía cinematográfica global Disney comenzó la promoción de la película con la difusión del trailer la película “La Sirenita” (Little Mermaid) —la cual deja de ser de dibujos animados para convertirse en un filme Live-Action— protagonizada por Halle Bailey. El trailer de tan sólo un minuto y veintitrés segundos ha recibido más de 220,000 comentarios en tan sólo una semana.
La controversia está dada por el cambio en la protagonista. Mientras que en la versión de finales de los años ochenta Ariel era representada por un dibujo animado con la piel blanca, el pelo rojo fuego y los ojos azules.
Fotografía de juguete de la representación de “La Sirenita”, versión 1989. Foto: Anna Lee Mraz Bartra
En la nueva versión se mantienen los rizos rojos, pero ahora es interpretada por una actriz afroamericana. Esta decisión de Disney —que se tomó en un proceso de casting no tradicional donde no se limita al personaje a una etnia o color de piel— se consideró un paso importante en la representación de interpretes afroamericanos en roles principales. Dicho proceso siempre ha tenido efectos en la población, no sólo en los Estados Unidos de América (EUA), sino también en lo global.
Debido a que la industria norteamericana del cine es dominante en el mundo, las decisiones de elenco tienen repercusiones en una industria dominada por gente blanca. Un ejemplo de dicho dominio se manifiesta en los pocos actores afroamericanos que han sido nominados para recibir un Oscar. Al respecto, la plataforma Statista señala que el 81% de los miembros de la industria que votan en los oscares son blancos.
De esta manera, el trailer de la Sirenita (Little Mermaid) se sitúa en el torbellino de una disputa entre una versión de la sociedad —hasta ahora dominante– que ahora el status quo y los privilegios que este conlleva. Frente a una sociedad heterogénea que busca romper con los estereotipos raciales y de género. Por lo mismo, no es una disputa sobre las condiciones de producción sino sobre las posiciones de dominación racializadas. Dichas posiciones se disfrazan de “nostalgia” o de “cómo debería ser” según el origen del cuento que es Danés.
De basarnos en uno de los posibles orígenes de la historia, se tendría que considerar a Mami Wata. Una deidad proveniente de África occidental, central y meridional que se desarrolló entre los siglos XV y XX. Este espíritu acuático femenino, mitad pez y mitad humana, es muy respetada, temida y venerada, ya que presenta un equilibrio entre la existencia oscura, divina, misteriosa y angelical.
De esta forma, los comentarios alrededor del trailer nos permiten observar la añoranza por una división entre los diferentes roles sociales al interior de la sociedad norteamericana. Permanece una sociedad segregacionista donde conforme a las “razas” existe una división tanto espacial como sobre las posiciones que ocupan al interior de la sociedad. La cual se reflejaría en la asignación de personajes —más allá de la historia— conforme a su raza.
Es importante no reducir la situación a un conflicto en los “gustos” cinematográficos, sino a visibilizar el enfrentamiento entre una sociedad racial y culturalmente homogénea frente a una sociedad de diversidad racial y culturalmente heterogéneas.
El análisis de los comentarios escritos bajo el trailer en inglés de “The Little Mermaid” nos ofrece una mirada a la disputa sobre la representación del personaje en la película.
Figura 1. Fuente: Elaboración propia con datos de YouTube
El término princesa se encuentra dividido conforme a dos palabras “blanca” (white) y “negra” (black).
Este combate consiste en la disputa por mantener las viejas posiciones por parte de aquellos añoran el status quo encubriendolo en una argumentación falaz que busca mostrar lo inadecuado de representar a Little Mermaid con una mujer afroamericana.
Donde el término Tiana y el término rana (frog) ubicándose cercanos a los términos “negra” (black), “blanca” (white) and princess (princess) implica la demanda de que los protagonistas afroamericanos sólo protagonicen “sus historias”. Dejando los protagónicos “blancos” para personajes presuntamente blancos.
Por lo mismo, la clave del argumento que se muestra en You Tube consiste en la añoranza por una sociedad segregada de facto y donde las “razas” ocupan las posiciones enseñadas por la tradición.
En el caso de Twitter, la tendencia #notmyariel también nos permite observar esta disputa de forma abierta y más clara. Por una parte, volvemos a encontrar a aquellos grupos que añoran volver a una sociedad más dividida. Donde el color de piel y la etnia se encuentren asociados a ciertas posiciones sociales y por lo tanto en garantes del privilegio blanco. Mientras que al mismo tiempo encontramos el desafío de estas “poblaciones diversas” que proponen una sociedad más democrática donde la etnia y el color de piel no constituyan barreras en la vida cotidiana.
Figura 2. Fuente: elaboración propia con base en datos de Twitter
Figura 3. Fuente: elaboración propia con base en datos de Twitter
En este espacio menos controlado que los comentarios en la página de YouTube controlada por Disney, el lenguaje de la derecha Trumpista se asoma sin pudor. Así aparecen los #WOKEGOTTAGO, #GOWOKE, #GOBROKE y su contraparte latinoamericana en #INCLUSIÓN FORZADA. Al respecto, cabe recordar que el término WOKE se acuñó al interior de las comunidades afroamericanas para recordar la importancia de señalar el racismo en las expresiones cotidianas o de los medios de comunicación masiva, ahora los grupos de extrema derecho lo han transformado en un término derogatorio al falsamente usarlo como una forma de denunciar un moralismo intolerante. De esta forma, la disputa entre las “dos sociedades” no se restringe a la plataforma de videos sino también podemos observarla en otros espacios socio digitales.
El trailer de la película “La Sirenita” (Little Mermaid) nos ofrece una entrada a las contradicciones culturales durante la modernidad tardía. Una época donde después de los largos años del liberalismo y el incremento de la desigualdad, encontramos la revalorización de las identidades. Por lo mismo, los enfrentamientos se desplazan del ámbito económico y las luchas contra la desigualdad material; hacia el espacio de los enfrentamientos por el control legítimo de la dominación a través de sus pautas culturales. Disputas animadas por la búsqueda de la mirada subyugada del “otro”, elemento indispensable para la constitución de la propia posición jerárquica: añoranza de dominación.
With only a few days to go before October 2, the first round of Brazil's national elections to elect a president, Congress, governors and state legislatures, the country's democratic institutions are under great pressure.
Opposition candidate former President Inácio Lula da Silva leads by wide margins in virtually all polls, but current President Jair Bolsonaro has openly rejected the legitimacy of any possible outcome other than his re-election, mobilizing his supporters to do the same. Concerns that anti-democratic actions could trigger a return to military rule are widespread. Added to this are concerns about unfair electoral practices and even physical threats, especially against Black and Indigenous candidates, social activists and academics who have spoken out against increasingly authoritarian practices.
Global Exchange, an international human rights organization based in San Francisco, in collaboration with the communications team at Peninsula 360 Press, recently conducted a fact-finding mission to Brasilia and Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, to understand and document the socio-political conditions leading up to the elections.
The team was in Brasilia and Rio de Janeiro between August 30 and September 8, 2022. Numerous individual and collective interviews – focus groups – were conducted with ordinary Brazilians, as well as with journalists and renowned academics specializing in democracy, human rights, social justice and the environment.
In parallel, a team of data scientists from Peninsula 360 Press began analyzing the use of social media to spread false information and hate messages in the context of the Brazilian elections.
Electoral context
Elections will be held in Brazil on October 2. Not only is the country's presidency at stake, but also several elected offices: the vice presidency, state governors and vice governors, as well as part of the National Congress.
This electoral process has been accompanied by an intense political confrontation between the two main candidates: Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, former president and left-wing candidate of the Workers' Party (PT); and the current president seeking re-election, Jair Bolsonaro, of the far-right Liberal Party.
In addition, there will be 11 other presidential candidates from different political parties representing a wide range of ideological and political leanings.
In Brazil, voting is compulsory for all citizens over the age of 18. In presidential elections, there is a first round and, if no candidate obtains 50%+1, a second final round.
This year's first round will be held on October 2. If no candidate wins a majority, the top two contenders will compete again on October 30.
Governors and vice-governors are also up for election, as is the Federal Senate. 81 senators representing one-third of the chamber will be on the ballot on October 2.
In the case of the members of the Chamber of Deputies, its 513 members will be elected and will have electoral candidates in 27 constituencies; likewise, the members of the legislative assemblies will be elected at the state level.
Incumbent President Jair Bolsonaro has consistently significantly underperformed his opponent Lula da Silva in polls throughout 2022. Due to the large field of candidates, a runoff election is likely; however, polls indicate that Brazil’s electorate is strongly inclined to bring back leftist former President Lula da Silva.
It is in this context that President Bolsonaro has amplified his unfounded complaints about the possibility of fraud in Brazil’s all-electronic electoral system. Many of the Brazilians we spoke to believe he is doing this to signal his intention to ignore election results if they do not favor him.
Results:
Environment and human rights
According to Dr. Celso Sánchez, a biologist and professor at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro – UNIRIO –, the government of President Jair Bolsonaro has been characterized by unprecedented environmental devastation in Brazil, especially in the Amazon, considered the lung of the world; as well as a “significant increase in human rights violations.”
For this reason, according to Sánchez, director of GEAsur, UNIRIO's environmental studies laboratory, these elections are "absolutely important because the continuity of life is at risk not only in Brazil but throughout the world."
Sánchez points out that Brazil's 305 indigenous peoples, as well as Afro-descendant communities – known as quilombolas – have received some kind of "threat" from the current government. There are 6,000 quilombola territories in the country.
Brazil is not only a mega-biodiverse country, but it also has mega social diversity. What greatly threatened indigenous peoples and traditional native peoples was a subliminal incentive for paramilitary groups, illegal gold mining groups – interested in mining gold – to advance on indigenous territories, destroying their territories where, at the same time, there was a decrease in police operations, a dismantling of the Federal Police and the environmental control body.
Sánchez adds that President Bolsonaro's administration has also seriously neglected the massive wildfires in the Amazon over the past four years, which have had a global impact.
We had historic fires in very fragile and specific biomes, such as the Pantanal, which burned in unprecedented proportions, such as the Atlantic Forest biome, one of the hotspots of biodiversity on planet Earth… So it was a sequence of dramatic ecocide phenomena that have had a very visible influence on local climate changes, on microclimatologies, on the distribution patterns of winds and rainfall.
According to Sánchez, Bolsonaro's government has dismantled a satellite observation system for the Amazon, which now prevents accurate data on the ecological disaster from being obtained.
Political participation and violence
In response to the “ecogenocide,” as Sánchez calls the environmental devastation in Brazil, indigenous peoples have organized not only to resist, but also to re-exist through the creation of collectives, support networks, and minority candidates who will play an essential role in these elections. Added to this is the effort of artists, journalists, and academics who not only investigate ecogenocide, but denounce it.
These candidates “are predominantly female, black and indigenous. The role that black women have today, of course, given the gigantic legacy of Marielle Franco and the seed of hope that speaking in this seat of political occupation represents, the importance of black indigenous women, Afro-indigenous women… or as we prefer to call them: Afropindoramic… because pindorama was the name that our indigenous ancestors gave to the continent.”
Afro-indigenous youth also have a vast participation, they have organized the marches: the Margaritas march, the black women's march, the indigenous women's march; from here, many artistic leaders later emerged.
But the defense of land and human rights in Brazil can be very lethal. A recent case is the murder of the indigenist Bruno Pereira and the British journalist Dom Phillips, who disappeared on June 5, 2022 in the Yavari Valley. Regarding this murder, the newspaper Falha de S. Paulo wrote: “The tragedy exposes the Amazon as a lawless land sponsored by Bolsonaro.”
Sánchez says that Brazil is experiencing a “dramatic moment of violence.” Following the murder of black councilor Marielle Franco in Rio de Janeiro in 2018, many black women across the country followed her legacy of social activism; however, Sánchez denounces that political violence against these activists, and even against academics who work with them, has increased in the current electoral context: “Threats are received almost daily.” Sánchez himself has been threatened.
We are experiencing a dramatic situation of real and virtual threats, a complex situation because, for example, in the most affected areas of downtown Rio de Janeiro, we have the action of paramilitary groups that have already said – I witnessed it – that they would not allow people to vote for Lula in certain areas.
It is a very complex, challenging moment of growing hatred because what we see is a president who has a hate speech… he is imposing an increasingly hateful tone in his speech and I don't know how we are going to stop that, it is dramatic.
According to academics, Bolsonaro's speeches and actions keep the country at a very high level of tension that continues to increase as election day approaches.
Journalist Fernando Cruz explains that "while Bolsonaro continues to undermine the nation's democracy, Lula has made poverty and inequality a key prioritya message that resonates with many who remember the social achievements achieved during his previous term. Still, the country remains deeply divided, with growing fears of political violence on election day and concerns about the military’s position in the face of a potential crisis if Bolsonaro refuses to accept defeat. Many Brazilians still vividly remember the two decades of repressive military rule that ended in 1985.
This political division, as experts suggest, only creates more tension in the country, and we are seeing violent crimes emerging across Brazil.
Two months ago, on July 10, a agent killed local leader, Marcelo Arruda, treasurer of the Workers’ Party (PT) in Foz do Iguaçu. While Arruda was celebrating his 50th birthday, a prison officer, Jorge José da Rocha Guaranho, invaded the private party shouting “Here we are for Bolsonaro!” and shot Arruda dead. Arruda is survived by a wife and four children, including a baby.
In Finsocial, Goiânia, a 40-year-old business consultant named Davi Augusto de Souza was shot in the leg on August 31, 2022 by Military Police Corporal Vitor da Silva Lopes during a fight over politics in a church, according to Souza's family. As reported by the Correio Braziliense, Souza's brother's testimony claimed that the fight began with "a debate over whether church members should support the government or not, and that members should not vote for the left, as leaders indicated," he reported.
Just a few days later, a newspaper article The Country reported that a political argument led to a murder in a rural area of the state of Mato Grosso, in the interior of the country. According to data from the Civil Police, Rafael Silva de Oliveira, 24 years old and a supporter of President Jair Bolsonaro, stabbed to death Benedito Cardoso dos Santos, 44 years old and a supporter of Lula da Silva, after a heated argument about politics got out of control on September 7, 2022. The police have no doubts about the political motive of the murder.
The 2022 election campaign has accumulated episodes of violence against candidates and supporters of left-wing parties. The candidate for federal deputy Vanessa Negrini, of the Workers' Party, and her supporters were threatened twice in the same day, in Guaráon September 11, 2022.
André Borges, a political scientist at the University of Brasilia, believes that the elections in Brazil are important because, although there is little chance of a coup, there is a high probability of political violence similar to that which occurred in the United States when Donald Trump's supporters stormed the Capitol.
"People agree that the likelihood of a coup is very low, it's very unlikely that we're going to have a break with democracy, but I think there is a concern that there could be some kind of political violence, some kind of repeat of what happened in the United States after the last election when supporters of the former president invaded the Capitol, we have that concern."
However, although there is skepticism about a coup, the population lives in fear of expressing their political ideas due to the increasingly frequent attacks by Jair Bolsonaro's supporters on anyone who shows their support for Lula.
According to the study "Violence and Democracy: Pre-election Panorama Brazil 2022", published on September 17, seven out of ten people say they are afraid of being physically attacked for their political opinions.
The Datafolha research institute surveyed 2,100 people aged 16 and over across the country between 3 and 13 August.
67.51% of respondents said they were afraid of being attacked and 3.21% said they had been threatened for political reasons in the last month, which is equivalent to 5.3 million Brazilians.
The document also lists a series of attacks that Lula's supporters have suffered in recent weeks, including murders at the hands of Bolsonaro's police, attacks with feces on Lula supporters, and more.
These violent acts become more relevant as the election date approaches.
Bolsonaro's anti-democratic narrative
The possibility of Bolsonaro winning the election cannot be ruled out, says Dr. Adrian Albala, a professor at the Institute of Political Sciences in Brasilia; however, opinion polls indicate that the president is set to lose the election and is therefore constructing a narrative of fraud that, if Bolsonaro loses, could trigger violence from his supporters, many of whom are military, police and even armed civilians.
Bolsonaro's narrative throughout the election has been anti-democratic, claiming that the electoral system cannot be trusted and that he believes there may be fraud in Brazil.
"However, it must be remembered that the current president – Bolsonaro – and his children were elected through the same democratic system that he criticises today," explains Carolina Botelho, a political scientist at UERJ.
Botelho, who is a professor and researcher at the Mackenzie/Cognitive and Social Neuroscience Lab and an associate at the Electoral Studies Lab, explains that “when people validate Bolsonaro’s intentions, his anti-democratic narrative, and the electoral dynamics he’s trying to put in place, we can see that this has more to do with creating a solution for him if he loses the election. So far, there’s no evidence of fraud in the election. What we do have evidence of, so far, is that this president’s chances of reelection are very low and have gotten worse over time.”
Political communication and public opinion expert Botelho says that “one way Bolsonaro could resolve future election results is by discrediting the electoral system. Even though the electoral justice system has responded firmly to his accusations and has shown the population – who already understands and knows their democratic system – that fraud is not possible and that Bolsonaro’s anti-democratic narrative is an attempt to gain some political advantage in case of his defeat.”
Cruz, for his part, writes that “for Bolsonaro, the threat from Alexandre De Moraes [Brazilian jurist, recently appointed president of the Superior Electoral Tribunal and justice of the Supreme Federal Court] comes in part from his focus on online political disinformation, which has been a key tool for Bolsonaro throughout his presidency, allowing him to shape the message on a range of issues, from COVID-19 vaccines, to Amazon deforestation, and of course, the upcoming elections.”
In technical terms, André Borges explains that elections in Brazil are centralized and operate with an electronic voting system that, on the one hand, guarantees that all states have the same vote counting system supervised by the Superior Electoral Court and, on the other, allows for fewer errors when counting votes.
In addition, specialized hackers have been asked questions and tested to see if it would be possible to hack the electoral system, and they have explained that it would not be possible.
"There is no element that points to the possibility of fraud, in reality this is just a narrative that they are creating because in the end Bolsonaro and some military personnel are connected to Bolsonaro and to the extreme right in Brazil, they do not want to accept the result in case they are defeated."
Another element that has played against Bolsonaro was his response to the COVID-19 pandemic, especially his constant statements in which he underestimated the pandemic by considering the disease as a simple flu. In addition, vaccination in Brazil was slow compared to other countries in the region such as Chile.
But, according to Borges, the reason why Bolsonaro could probably lose the election is mainly related to the economy.
«Why is Bolsonaro going to lose the elections? It's because of the economy. That's why Lula, from the Workers' Party, is much better among poor people, because they have those memories of his government, of Lula's government when inflation was low and the economy was growing, and they compare it with what is happening now.»
But, according to Borges, the reason why Bolsonaro could probably lose the election is mainly related to the economy.
Bolsonaro's anti-democratic discourse on social media
During the 2022 Brazilian elections, we have seen a re-edition of Jair Bolsonaro's dangerous anti-democratic discourse. This is crystallized in different expressions, often under an apparent democratic veil; Bolsonaro's discourse remains authoritarian and refuses to accept horizontality as a democratic ideal.
Bolsonaro has spread an anti-democratic message through social media. Since his first candidacy, he has based the dissemination of his messages on social media. It is therefore through them that we can identify those meanings where his ideological position is consolidated, which, in turn, allows us to follow the voice of his followers. In this report, we will only touch on two elements: the struggles for gender equality and Bolsonaro's claim to environmental resources for "development".
• Combating struggles for equality for gender dissidents. Bolsonaro's discourse has combated any expression that allows for the inclusion of gender dissidents, a situation that we can identify in his categorical rejection of inclusive language.
An example of this was during Bolsonaro's speech in Brasilia during the bicentennial parade, where he called on his followers to show "virility" and find a "little woman" to accompany them in their lives.
Their "pro-family" position is declared against homoparental families. Their discourse condemns both dissent and family configurations that do not adhere to the "traditional family." Both break with the democratic notion of the inclusion of different social forms, since they start from a hierarchy of values where the "superiors" can impose their ways of life on the "inferiors."
In the first capture (figure 1) we found Bolsonaro's message from his Instagram account –with 21.3 million followers– where he condemns the officialization of inclusive or neutral language in Argentina.
This adds a risk condition to his "Argentine brothers" whom he entrusts to God. Two central elements in this piece consist of the condemnation of language that gives voice to gender-sex dissidence, which contrasts with his entrustment to God and, therefore, is linked to religious movements that also reject this transformation of language.
A second message, which also appeals to the support of more religious voters, consists of his support for the traditional family.
Contrary to feminist demands, in which the movement seeks freedom in reproductive choices, the candidate's position rejects women's right to terminate a pregnancy, assuming as its own the condemnation made by religious groups.
Bolsonaro is shown in this video (Figure 3) reaching out to a baby in the middle of the crowd and holding him up for everyone to see. The video is accompanied by the music “The Circle of Life” from the soundtrack of Disney’s “The Lion King.”
The Figure 2 This is a screenshot from Bolsonaro's Twitter account, which says: "A baby who is seven months pregnant, it is not a question of discussing the way in which it was conceived, whether it is supported by the law or not. It is unacceptable to talk about taking the life of this defenseless being!"
-Developmentalism. The Bolsonaro government seeks to “develop” the Amazon by transforming it into a space of capitalist exploitation. For the same reason, there is a vision of the native population as “backward” and opposed to progress and development. This idea presents the indigenous population as one that “needs” to be transformed in order to be included within the capitalist vortex, thus finding an imperial view where there is no respect for other forms of life. In this way, the “developmentalist” imposition hides the destruction of the other. For the same reason, there is no democratic vision of the native populations.
The Figure 4 – published on Jair Bolsonaro’s official Telegram account – shows the native population as eager for progress. Where the headdress and traditional clothing contrast with the possibilities represented by the connection to the world of social digital networks. This apparent benefit is an imposition of a type of society without giving voice to the native communities. Therefore, this image is built around the contrast between development and backwardness.
President Bolsonaro's messages only come from his narrative. Their impact spreads from a series of dominant nodes in the different social-digital networks that seek – through high-impact opinions – to dominate the conversation. Therefore, there is no logic of dialogue, but rather manipulation is sought to attack the adversary. On the Twitter platform, some stand out: i) Flavio Bolsonaro (@flaviobolsonaro), son of the president, who from his position as senator of the republic is one of the most prominent nodes of the Bolsonaro clan. A character accused in the media for his extravagant expenses; ii) Braga Netto (@braganotto_gen), former military man and vice-presidential candidate. A conservative user with deep ties to the Brazilian military elite; iii) Tarcísio Gomes de Freitas (@tarcisiogdf), candidate for the government of São Paulo and who also advocates the rejection of the rights of gender dissidence; iv) Rico Pinheiro (@ric0_pinheir0), a Brazilian businessman who promotes a development policy based on the actions of private companies; and Alexandre Padrao (@PadraoeAlexandre. ), an anti-PT activist on social-digital networks.
The elections in Brazil pose a reissue of Bolsonaro’s political proposals. He proposes to continue with a liberal model of development – now under the protection of traditional ideas – that seeks to continue the unlimited exploitation of bodies and the forest from an anti-democratic imperial position that does not consider other forms of life and, on the contrary, seeks to impose – often from social-digital networks – a model of destruction and discrimination towards different minorities. Therefore, from a critical point of view, we must condemn these positions that, under a cloak of democracy, seek to legitimize the exclusion of others.
Global Exchange's coverage of Brazil's elections
Global Exchange will provide coverage of the Brazilian elections, both in the first round on October 2, 2022, and in the final round on October 30, 2022.
Our team, made up of international and local journalists spread across Brasilia, Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Salvador de Bahia and the Amazon, will produce reports and multimedia content in English and Spanish that media outlets interested in the material can publish on their platforms.
This work is carried out in collaboration with Península 360 Press, Rompeviento TV, Ethnic Media Services, Brasil de Fato and Peoples Dispatch, Levante Popular da Juventude and Movimento Brasil Popular.
Photo: Manuel Ortiz / Global Exchange / Peninsula 360 Press / United Journalists
By Alejandro Meléndez and Irene Galindo. United Journalists / Global Exchange / Peninsula 360 Press
São Paulo, Brazil. September 30, 2022.- In an exhausting debate that lasted more than three hours on the Brazilian television network O Globo, former Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the favorite for Sunday's presidential elections in Brazil, became the main target of attacks from his rivals on Thursday.
Lula was attacked primarily by President Jair Bolsonaro, who, together with the folkloric candidate “Father Kelmon,” as the priest Kelmon Luis da Silva, candidate of the Brazilian Workers' Party (PTB), identified himself, questioned Lula about the alleged corruption in his government and his opposition to religion.
The PTB candidate attended the debate dressed in religious attire and, as a member of the Peruvian Orthodox Catholic Apostolic Church, is recognized in Brazil as an orange candidate, which are those candidates who have minimal electoral representation, but who dedicate themselves to attacking the leading candidate.
Former President Lula closed the debate by saying that he is proud of the educational programs created during the Workers' Party governments, such as FIES, Prouni and Science Without Borders, "which sent 100,000 young people to study abroad."
Lula said he will return to the Presidency of the Republic because the people know of his ability to govern.
"There are three or four different types of proposals here. There are those who have a proven track record in this country and it has worked for them, people know what happened in that country. There are those who make promises, there are those who govern. The people can elect someone who knew how to resolve the situation in Brazil," stressed Lula da Silva.
"I always say that the problem is not governing, it is taking care of people, creating jobs, increasing salaries, increasing the wage bill, improving health, improving education, creating universities," he said, promising to break the 100-year secrecy pact imposed by Bolsonaro to hide the crimes of the current administration.
The last televised debate before the elections also included the participation of candidates Ciro Gomes of the Democratic Labour Party, Simone Tebet of the Brazilian Democratic Movement, Soraya Thronicke of Union Brasil, and Luiz Felipe de Ávila of the New Party.
Nina Fideles (centro) y Joao Stedile explican el contexto brasileño a unos días de las elecciones. Foto: Ingrid Sánchez P360P
Luíz Inácio Lula da Silva ganará en primera vuelta las elecciones presidenciales en Brasil el próximo 2 de octubre, afirma con mucha contundencia Joāo Pedro Stedile, parte de la dirección nacional del Landless Rural Workers Movement ‒MST‒.
«Estábamos en la idea de que por lo menos en segunda vuelta ganaríamos, sin embargo, en los últimos días del domingo para acá, esa fuerza que está por detrás de las clases empezó a materializarse en la intención de voto y hoy Lula está desde 7 puntos delante de Bolsonaro y nos puede decir incluso matemáticamente, que seguramente Lula va a ganar en la primera vuelta», afirmó durante una charla ofrecida a periodistas de distintas partes del continente.
Para explicarlo, el análisis de Stedile se contextualiza en el comportamiento de las tres principales clases en Brasil: burguesía, clase media y clase popular, esta última afectada profundamente por las medidas impulsadas por la derecha que gobernó el país con Michel Temer entre 2012 y 2018 y luego con Jair Bolsonaro desde el 2018 a la fecha.
Por su parte, la burguesía habría reconsiderado su apoyo a los sectores de derecha pues en las últimas semanas se han reunido con Lula alrededor de 100 grandes empresarios de todo el país con el objetivo de negociar y acercarse con el que parece que será el próximo presidente del país.
El propio Bolsonaro, que ha emprendido una guerra fuerte en contra de Lula y de todos los que le apoyan, ha afirmado que algunos empresarios como los dueños de la televisora Globo, han migrado su apoyo y actualmente son un bastión de apoyo al ex presidente. De acuerdo con Stedile, la televisora, por ejemplo, fue parte de las campañas de fake news impulsadas en 2018 en contra de la izquierda por parte de los sectores de ultraderecha por lo que ahora se podría hablar de cambios en la posición política de esos sectores de la burguesía.
Con voz fuerte pero serena y clara, Stedile desmenuza la situación de las clases en Brasil con una perspectiva que se confiesa ser la de un «cristiano de izquierda», convencido de que el Estado no es ya una respuesta para los brasileños, pero formando parte de una intensa campaña electoral de la izquierda para sacar a Bolsonaro de la presidencia.
Los esfuerzos de las organizaciones de izquierda, aún aquellas que se declaran escépticas de los procesos electorales, se han volcado a convencer a la gente para votar a la izquierda no sólo en el proceso presidencial sino también en los gobiernos y las diputaciones locales.
La clase media, por otra parte, también ha sido afectada por las medidas aplicadas por la ultraderecha, aunque algunos grupos pequeños aún apoyan a Bolsonaro y son los que participan en las manifestaciones de apoyo al presidente.
«Hay una crisis capitalista estructural en todo el mundo y esa crisis vino con más fuerza a Brasil porque somos una economía totalmente dependiente del capital extranjero y del mercado mundial y cuando emergió esa crisis, ella afectó todos los sectores de la vida, primero en la economía, segundo en la sociedad», explicó Stedile.
Uno de los grandes problemas de Brasil, por ejemplo, a partir de la crisis sería el grave problema de desempleo. De acuerdo con las cifras del MST, el país tiene una población de 220 millones, con una fuerza laboral de 150 millones de brasileños y de esos, 72 millones fueron despedidos en los últimos años.
«Es el segundo país de América del Sur: el primero es Brasil y el segundo son los desposeídos de Brasil, 70 millones de adultos», afirmó con contundencia el dirigente nacional del MST.
A la crisis económica se le agrega la crisis política que promovió la burguesía como clase con 4 golpes en contra de la democracia y el pueblo brasileño: la destitución de Dilma Rousseff, las medidas de Temer para prohibir la creación de programas sociales en 20 años, la prisión de Lula y la elección de Bolsonaro.
Joāo Pedro Stedile también denunció la participación de Estados Unidos en el proceso de encarcelamiento del expresidente de Lula debido a que el FBI y el Departamento de Justicia habrían orientado al juez Sergio Moro, encargado del caso.
De acuerdo con el líder del MST, Moro se reunía mensualmente con ellos en Estados Unidos para recibir las orientaciones.
«Todo el proceso fue mentiroso, montado con base en esa nueva táctica que los gringos están difundiendo por toda América Latina que es el law fare», detalló Stedile.
Asimismo, la campaña de «fake news» en 2018 promovida por la ultraderecha brasileña habría estado organizada y financiada por Estados Unidos a partir de la donación de dos grandes computadoras una establecida en Israel y otra en Taiwán, desde donde se expidieron 80 millones de mensajes en 8 horas para crear una campaña de hostigamiento y difamación en contra de la izquierda.
En relación con el tema internacional, de acuerdo con el dirigente del MST, Lula no tendrá una retórica antiimperialista pero tendría dos principales intereses: el fortalecimiento de los BRICS para impulsar las posiciones contrarias a Estados Unidos, promoviendo también la entrada de Indonesia, Turquía y Argentina, países que han solicitado su ingreso; y por otro lado el fortalecimiento de la integración latinoamericana a través de la recuperación de mecanismos como la UNSAR, Celae o el Banco del Sur.
Stedile transmite la posibilidad de una victoria incluso suave y sencilla, frente al discurso violento que Bolsonaro ha promovido en las últimas semanas y en el que resalta la posibilidad de violencia durante la jornada electoral. Stedile, en cambio, solicita con amabilidad, pero con firmeza que los medios no repitan esa retórica pues tiene el objetivo de que la población no salga a votar y, por lo tanto, dificulte la victoria de Lula en la primera vuelta.
«Si Lula no gana, convoco a una nueva rueda de prensa el lunes para hacer mi autocrítica», dijo el dirigente con una sonrisa.
Working to support communities impacted by Hurricane Ian, Governor Gavin Newsom today announced the deployment of emergency management and mass response specialists to Florida to support the state’s response to the ongoing crisis.
“California stands with the people of Florida,” Newsom said. “Our state is all too familiar with the impact of natural disasters, and we stand ready to provide the necessary relief and support to the communities affected by this horrific storm.”
In response to a request from the Florida Division of Emergency Management, Newsom directed the California Governor’s Office of Emergency Services (Cal OES) to send an initial five-person team of mass care experts to facilitate shelters for those displaced by the hurricane, as well as emergency operations center personnel to support the Florida State Operations Center in Tallahassee.
California has indicated to Florida that it will make additional personnel and resources available if needed to support hurricane response or recovery operations.
Previously, Cal OES approved the deployment of local government firefighters in Florida as part of the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s Urban Search and Rescue (US&R) Response System.
Currently, there are California US&R specialists and firefighters from the following local agencies in Florida actively working to save lives: Los Angeles County Fire Department, Orange County Fire Authority, Riverside Fire Department, Sacramento Metropolitan Fire Department, Sacramento County Fire Department, Chula Vista Fire Department, and San Diego Fire Department.
Hurricane Ian made landfall as one of the strongest storms ever to hit Florida and continues to move across the state with high winds, rain and storm surge that left people stranded.
Flooding and power outages continue to impact communities across the state and significant damage has occurred to homes, businesses and public infrastructure.
Joined by advocates and farmworkers outside the state Capitol, Gavin Newsom signed legislation Thursday that expands union rights for farmworkers, after the United Farm Workers (UFW) and the California Federation of Labor agreed in a letter to clarify language to be passed during next year’s legislative session to address Governor Newsom’s concerns about the implementation and integrity of the vote.
“California’s farmworkers are the lifeblood of our state and have the fundamental right to unionize and advocate for themselves in the workplace,” Newsom said. “Our state has been defined by heroic farmworker activism, championed by American icons like Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, and Larry Itliong. California is proud to support the next generation of leaders carrying on this movement.”
Assemblymember Mark Stone’s AB 2183 bill creates new ways for farmworkers to vote in a union election, including options for mail-in ballots and authorization cards sent to the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board, in addition to existing in-person voting.
The supplemental agreement between the Newsom Administration, the UFW and the California Federation of Labor includes a limit on the number of card check requests over the next five years, and will allow the ALRB to adequately protect worker confidentiality and security.
This additional agreement would be codified into law next year and would be supported by both management and the union.
According to a statement from the Governor's Office, this legislation also builds on state action to support workers and promote workplace safety.
Earlier this year, Governor Newsom signed legislation to empower fast food workers with a new mechanism to enact wage and labor protections to support their health, safety, and well-being.
In 2021, the Governor also signed legislation to protect warehouse workers from unsafe production quotas and legislation to end the exploitation of piece-rate compensation for garment industry workers.
Newsom also signed a measure directing Cal/OSHA to create an advisory committee to recommend state policies to protect domestic workers and a bill to ensure that workers with disabilities receive fair wages.
Peninsula Humane Society (PHS) and Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (SPCA) have seen a dramatic increase in the number of huskies being adopted at their shelters, the agencies announced this week.
With that in mind, qualified adopters are needed, and organizations offer a special adoption package that includes free training and a toy, leash, collar and harness for those who want to open their homes to a new furry friend.
“A common question among potential adopters when they visit our shelter is, ‘Why do you have so many huskies? ’” said Buffy Martin Tarbox, PHS/SPCA communications manager. “The simple answer may be that these dogs are the latest in a long line of trendy animals that have become popular thanks to pop culture.”
Tarbox noted that the dire wolves in "Game of Thrones" resemble giant husky wolf dogs.
“It’s possible that fans of the series were looking for their own replica of the direwolf and found the husky,” he said. “But unfortunately, they may not have been prepared for this special and energetic breed.”
There are currently 15 huskies and husky mixes available for adoption in Burlingame, which is 50 percent of the total dogs available, PHS said.
Huskies are excellent family pets that require plenty of activity, both physically and mentally. They are known for their loyalty and love of being with people. They can be quite independent and can sometimes be escape artists, the PHS said.
Households with previous experience with this breed who are looking for a new pet are therefore encouraged to consider adopting one of these "mini dire wolves."
Each adoptable dog has been spayed or neutered, microchipped and vaccinated. Dog adoption fees are $160.
The Brazilian elections on Sunday, October 2, and the electronic voting system are safe, said the president of the Inter-American Union of Electoral Organizations (UNIORE), Lorenzo Córdova, in an exclusive interview with Península 360 Press and Global Exchange.
The president of the National Electoral Institute (INE) of Mexico also stated that in a few days a technical report prepared by UNIORE to evaluate the reliability of electronic voting in Brazil will be published.
"In a couple of days we will present the technical report of the UNIORE mission that monitored and issued an opinion on the electronic ballot box and that reveals the certainty and strength of this mechanism to be able to generate certainty in the casting of votes," said Córdova.
Electronic elections are not new in Brazil. In fact, they have been used since 1996, so the Brazilian electoral authorities have been able to perfect over time the use of this mechanism so that Brazilians can cast their vote.
The certainty that UNIORE provides regarding electronic voting becomes relevant in the context of the statements made by Jair Bolsonaro, current president and candidate for re-election, in which he has pointed out that elections are not reliable and that it is possible to intervene in the software to generate electoral fraud. However, various studies and investigations by Brazilian electoral authorities point to the reliability of the voting system.
"I think it will be a great day for Brazilian democracy and the democratic path will be vindicated as the path that Brazilians have built for 30 years, as the legitimate way to go out and vote. And the electronic ballot box will be vindicated as a mechanism of electoral certainty that Brazilians have been testing election after election since 1996 as a mechanism of certainty and legal strength," said Lorenzo Córdova.
In his most recent statements, Jair Bolsonaro has questioned the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) and the electronic vote itself, pointing out that the ballots should be printed; in addition, the current president has declared in recent weeks that the armed forces should participate in the electoral process as an arbitrator.
According to polls from at least nine companies, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva is ahead of Bolsonaro three days before the elections. According to Ipec/Globo, Lula has obtained 48 percent of the voting intention of those surveyed and Bolsonaro 31 percent; according to Datafloha/folha the difference is smaller since the candidate of the Workers' Party has 47 percent of the preferences compared to 33 percent of the current president.
This note was made with the support of the organization Global Exchange in collaboration with Peninsula 360 Press.
The first-ever San Mateo County Climate Summit will be held to foster collective commitment to equitable adaptation to climate change.
The San Mateo County Climate Summit will be held next Monday, October 3rd from 9:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m. on the Stanford University campus in Redwood City and will be co-organized by local organizations Climate Resilient Communities, Nuestra Casa, Rise South City, and Thrive Alliance.
The summit is supported by Stanford's Doerr School of Sustainability, the Haas Center for Sustainability, the Haas Center for Public Service and the Office of Community Engagement.
“Climate change is not a distant threat, it is already here and impacting frontline communities in San Mateo County,” said Violet Wulf-Saena, executive director of Climate Resilient Communities.
This comes as climate change exacerbates heat, flooding, wildfires and poor air quality across the region — phenomena that disproportionately affect low-income communities of color.
Decision-makers must therefore identify and address adaptation strategies that ensure community safety, health and livelihoods.
The theme of this year’s summit is Building Collective Commitment to Ensure Climate Adaptation and Equity, and will bring together local residents, community-based organizations, city and county agencies, elected officials, funders, and business leaders to discuss how to ensure equitable, community-led climate adaptation in San Mateo County.
“Local residents are the experts in their own community – they live there, take their children to and from school, and shop in the area – so it is important that their views are taken into account when looking for mitigation solutions,” said Julio Garcia, Executive Director of Rise South City, stressing the importance of community-led adaptation.
San Mateo County Supervisor Dave Pine and Menlo Park Councilmember Cecilia Taylor will open the summit, followed by three panels with local leaders and experts.
The Adaptation and Equity panel, moderated by Violet Wulf-Saena, Executive Director of Climate Resilient Communities, will discuss translating science into community-led policy and practice.
Meanwhile, the Community Leadership panel, moderated by Miriam Yupanqui, executive director of Nuestra Casa, will focus on how to shift power to frontline communities.
The summit’s final panel on Resources and Responsibility, moderated by Julio Garcia, CEO of Rise South City, will address how government and philanthropy can better fund climate resilience based on community priorities.
The event will conclude with a special presentation by young people and a call for collective commitment towards equitable climate adaptation that prioritizes frontline communities.
“We are delighted to be coming together during this summit to discuss community-led solutions,” Yupanqui explained. “We strongly believe that our community members hold the solutions to the challenges they face.”
This will be the second of Stanford’s Office of Community Engagement Regional Forums.
The Climate Summit will be held both in-person and virtually. In-person registration is limited to 150 participants.
A comienzos de septiembre de este 2022 se abrió un espacio de diálogo y de compartición de experiencias que sembró, posiblemente, semillas que se convertirán en frutos en un futuro no muy lejano. Por un lado, el trabajo documental de Emily Cohen, llamado sabiamente «Fruits of Labor» ‒2021‒ se presentó en tierras michoacanas, no sólo en el circuito del festival Ambulante sino en la intimidad del El Gran Calavera Cultural Center, en Pátzcuaro. Y, por otra parte, habitantes de esta región lacustre y campesinos de comunidades afectadas por la presencia de empresas agroindustriales.
Ashley, Ximena, protagonistas y Emily Cohen, directora del documental «Fruits of labor». Foto: Heriberto Paredes
Partiendo de que el cine reúne y genera reacciones que nos tocan en lo más profundo de nuestro ser, este documental ‒que recomiendo no se pierdan cuando lo vean estrenado en su cine o festival más cercano‒ remueve la tierra, misma que es trabajada por las manos de las dos protagonistas.
Located in Santa Cruz, California, Ashley and Ximena are part of the working class who grow and harvest strawberries in the large fields of companies such as Driscoll’s, una de las más explotadoras y agresivas con la tierra dentro del mundo de la agroindustria.
Y precisamente es este el punto de partida no sólo del documental –del que no haré spoiler por supuesto–, sino de la relación que se tejió entre campesinos michoacanos afectados por esta misma empresa y la planta refrigeradora que construyó en el municipio de Huiramba. También asistieron mujeres trabajadoras en la zona de Zamora y personas que, viviendo en Pátzcuaro, han visto cómo las tierras que antes alimentaban la cultura culinaria de las comunidades, hoy se utilizan para satisfacer la demanda de consumo que se ha creado alrededor de las berries. Un producto de moda como el aguacate, y ya sabemos lo que ha hecho el aguacate en su versión agroindustrial.
Resultó muy impresionante escuchar, al final de la proyección, cómo se iban compartiendo las diversas experiencias, a un lado y otro de la frontera, hablando con los mismos términos de lo que ocurría en los campos con los llamados mayordomos ‒una suerte de cuidadores para que se trabaja con eficacia‒, con los permisos para ir al baño, con lo que significa trabajar en el campo y saber que el sueldo no es equivalente a las horas y al esfuerzo del trabajo.
Campesinos de Huiramba y Zamora con el crew del documental «Fruits of labor». Foto: Heriberto Paredes
Y lo que bien empieza, bien acaba, así que, tras escucharnos, tras reconocernos en la imperiosa necesidad de cambiar el rumbo, cuidar la tierra, frenar a estas moles agroindustriales y recuperar lo que nos ha dado vida e identidad, llegó la hora de la comida, la hora, como dicen en algunas tradiciones, de «compartir el pan y la sal». Aunque en realidad la comida del Gran Calavera fue una delicia, así como lo fue el sentarnos a la mesa juntes, continuando con la plática ‒ejercicio del diálogo que también trajo risas y emociones‒.
De un lado u otro de la frontera habrá siempre lazos que nos hermanan y que nos hacen reconocernos, a veces estos vínculos son sorprendentes, pero en otras ocasiones, como en esta, más que sorpresa lo que hubo fue la conservación de que no hay frontera alguna que pueda frenar el amor a la tierra, el apego a la vida que de ella emana y la necesidad de escucharnos para establecer caminos de solidaridad entre comunidades. De eso también está compuesto Michoacalifornia.
Heriberto Paredes Coronel (Tlaxcala, 1983), Mexican independent photographer and journalist, dedicated to documenting organizational processes in indigenous and peasant communities, searching for missing persons and environmental issues in Mexico. He currently explores formats such as documentaries and podcasts without abandoning photography and text, where he explores new narrative routes. He has collaborated with national and international media, has directed short documentaries and is currently in the development phase of a feature documentary as well as writing a book that brings together more than a decade of work on the Michoacan coast. He lives in Pátzcuaro, Michoacán. Twitter @BSaurus Instagram @el_beto_paredes.
