Listen to this note:
It will most likely take years to reverse the total damage that the government of Javier Milei produce Argentina and its people. At the end of May 2024, the South American president visits one of the most important technological lobbies on the planet: the Silicon Valley of California, paired on the official agenda with a landing in El Salvador to participate in Nayib's inauguration. Bukele as reelected president.
The darker panoramas of the Latin American right, of course, are allied because their agenda is the same.
Faithful to his speech that free capitalism is the panacea for humanity, Milei seeks the image that what he proposes for Argentina is innovation, technological development, inventiveness through commitment to semiconductors, enriching investment, when rather he is articulating the old traditional surrender of Latin America in favor of Western powers; forcing citizens to use up their dollars - popular forms of protection against inflationary instability, which has already been permanent in the country for years -; setting up a media circus that, through Vice President Victoria Villarruel or presidential spokesperson Manuel Adorni, is ridiculing the struggles of the left, contemporary and historical, and forcing millions into wages of misery, of hunger, who have already advanced their articulated protest. in the province of Misiones, in northeastern Argentina, bordering Paraguay.
Just this June, the president celebrates half a year at the head of the Casa Rosada, a very brief period that, however, has given him the opportunity to schedule flights to Israel, the United States or Spain, not to mention the diplomatic crises that his hasty verbosity caused him. They have won with Mexico, Colombia or Moncloa itself.
The Chilean poet Armando Uribe, in addition to composing verses, was a jurist and thinker of the legal frameworks of his country, built as a result of a nation project independent of European colonialism.
Consequently, he also became a critic of the evidence that the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet not only betrayed Salvador Allende and the Chilean popular vote, but was concerned with dismantling republican laws to promote a State without a State, a mere administration of entrepreneurial drives.
Such is Milei's dream: to reiterate that in the sense of the public, the social, the beneficiary, all the misfortunes of Argentina rest. And, more than as head of state, behave as a manager of investments and dialogues with companies that aspire to profit even from the imaginary of the planet, to manage the broadcast of dreams.
Milei does not seek to listen to citizens and meet with the needs of the street, but rather with the managers of the new extractivism, who speak of green economies to carry out the same looting of the past, now perhaps focused on lithium, not on fossil fuels. ?besides, only partially.
Thus, the South American president is more interested in photography with Mark Zuckerberg or Elon Musk than in the fate of the millions of Argentines challenged by current spending, who see how their bills are worth practically nothing, or the thousands of ignored people who crowd the anonymous corners. from Buenos Aires to sleep only on the street.
The central challenge of the times in the largest of the Spanish-speaking countries of South America, however, lies in the desperation of its voters.
Although political analysis regrets that Milei does not have the height of a head of state, the Argentinian of the street, of the daily work, of the taxi, of the small business, of the waiter, of the informal sale of socks on the sidewalk, has it. The discourse of formalistic promises of professional politics is tired. He is tired of the feeling that Peronism – the most visible electoral opposition to Milei – talk about patience, waiting, prudence, while its protagonists (Sergio Massa, Alberto Fernández) hardly suffer the suffocation that does distress the anonymous ones. And the Milei voter does not want to do political philosophy, but rather to try an urgent change to the state of things that allows some relief for his already prolonged social agony.
That was well taken advantage of by the same business interest as always (I write this on a Google Sheet), which capitalizes on a legitimate discontent with a useful fool, a circus, a tweeter with a affinity for scandals who advances the tremors of the distracting spectacle while the United States tries a strategic military base in the sovereign Tierra del Fuego, to park ourselves in the tricky part of some of the occurrences spilled to date. And in just six months, he said.
And although there are firm and clear social sectors, such as fighters for memory, students, indigenous groups of Mendoza, teachers or employees of the Misiones police, who with different intensity raise their voices against those they consider unacceptable fluctuations In the Argentine executive, the truth is that the underlying economic desperation is real and continuous among millions, and the hope that, although ridiculous, a political-style turnaround will bring some freshness to daily life still seems far from fading in the Argentine feeling. "Argentina is going to come back," they trust.
While the disappointment arrives that rejects with political articulation the arrogance of the traveling head of state, the world business community will continue to advance its usual agenda in a country that is so rich, but so rich, that they loot it and loot it and loot it, and not they finish it.
When the circus finishes its program of spheres and vuvuzelas, reversing the damage will take years. And the left will have had to learn the lesson of listening to the concrete needs of citizens, prior to bibliographic speculation.
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